DETAILS: Uganda’s fugitive Joseph Kony is reportedly dead after COVID-19 infection

The leader of Uganda’s Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), Joseph Kony (centre), surrounded by his officers, addressing a news conference in 2006.

KAMPALA – Some sections of regional media are reporting that Ugandan warlord Joseph Kony who is wanted at the International Criminal Court at Hague for war crimes and crimes against humanity is dead.

The media however reported – quoting senior army commanders in the Uganda People’s Defense Forces (UPDF)– that the army command is “yet to get any information regarding death of LRA leader, Joseph Kony, which is widely making rounds on social media.”

The reports indicate that Kony succumbed to COVID-19 in wartorn Central African Republic.

Other sources denied that Kony is dead, describing the information as mare allegations.

Source said that the biggest confirmation that Kony is actually alive and kicking is the fact that he has not been confirmed dead.

This website in keeping an eye on this story.

Joseph Kony— born 1961— Ugandan rebel who led the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), a militia that terrorized northern Uganda and neighbouring countries in the late 20th and early 21st centuries.

Kony was reared in the village of Odek in northern Uganda. An ethnic Acholi, he served as an altar boy during his youth and was fond of dancing. He left school to become a traditional healer. When Yoweri Museveni seized power in Uganda in 1986 and became president, some Acholis revolted. A relative of Kony’s, spirit medium Alice Lakwena, led a rebel group called the Holy Spirit Movement, which was quashed by government troops as it advanced on Kampala, the capital.

Kony joined another faction and in 1987 proclaimed himself a prophet for the Acholi people and took charge of the Holy Spirit Movement, which would eventually become the LRA. In its early years the LRA enjoyed support in northern Uganda, but as its resources diminished, the militia began to plunder the local population. The movement gained considerable strength in 1994 when it received the backing of the government of Sudan, which sought to retaliate against Kampala for its support of Sudanese rebels.

Kony, armed with prophecies that he said he received from spirits who came to him in dreams, ordered the LRA to attack villages, murdering, raping, and mutilating in a campaign of intimidation that displaced some two million people. Children were abducted and brainwashed into becoming soldiers and slaves.

Kony convinced them that holy water made them bulletproof. Children who resisted or tried to escape were beaten to death by their peers. Kony was reported to have taken more than 50 of his female captives as “wives.” By 1996 the government began setting up secure camps. Children living in villages in northern Uganda became known as “night commuters,” walking miles every evening to the relative safety of the camps or towns in hopes of avoiding abduction. Kony’s aim for the LRA was never particularly specific beyond the ouster of Museveni and the establishment of a new government based on the Ten Commandments.

The ICC issued a warrant for Kony’s arrest, made public in October 2005, which accused him of human rights violations that included some 10,000 murders and the abduction and enslavement of more than 24,000 children. The action brought Kony and the LRA under international scrutiny, and Sudanese support for the rebels was soon withdrawn. This led Kony to make his first peace offering in May 2006 (his first public appearance in 12 years), but negotiations, which began in July 2006 in Juba, southern Sudan (now South Sudan), dragged. Paradoxically, the ICC warrant proved to complicate the situation, because the prospect of arrest made Kony less likely to come out of hiding. The Ugandan government sought to have the warrant suspended, but such a move was seen as potentially damaging to the integrity of the nascent court. Two years of verbal wrangling led to a peace agreement that was finalized in April 2008, but Kony refused to appear at a series of scheduled meetings to sign the document, demanding that the ICC suspend the warrants for him and other LRA leaders before he would sign the agreement.

Meanwhile, by the end of 2006 Kony and the LRA had largely left Uganda and were now based in the neighbouring countries of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Sudan. In November 2008 Uganda’s neighbours—by then increasingly the targets of LRA violence, despite the LRA’s dwindling numbers—warned Kony that failure to sign the document would result in a joint military offensive against the LRA. Kony, however, again failed to attend a scheduled meeting to sign the peace agreement. The next month Operation Lightning Thunder—a military offensive led by Ugandan troops with support from Congolese and southern Sudanese forces—was launched against LRA bases in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, but the operation failed to capture Kony or curtail the group’s activity. Instead, the LRA moved deeper into the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan, and the Central African Republic (CAR) and, in reprisal, increased the number of attacks on civilians in those countries.

Although the international efforts to capture Kony and eradicate the LRA were not successful, the years of trying to evade capture appeared to take its toll on the group, weakening it by the 2010s. There were also defections of high-profile LRA leaders as well as regular LRA combatants. Yet even as their numbers were diminished, the group proved it was still a formidable enough force to continue terrorizing civilians, including kidnapping hundreds of adults and children, primarily from the war-torn CAR, in 2016 and 2017.

In 2012 Kony was the subject of a social media campaign that included a 30-minute video, Kony 2012, which described the atrocities committed by Kony and the LRA and implored viewers to pressure those whom they deemed “culture makers” and “policy makers” to spread the word about the LRA leader and make sure that efforts to apprehend Kony continued to be supported. The video was praised for bringing worldwide attention to the need to capture Kony, but it was also criticized from different quarters for a variety of reasons, including allegations that it misstated facts and misrepresented the current situation in Uganda as well as implying that Kony was a problem that Africans needed Westerners to handle.

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  1. Pingback: Uganda: President Museveni in office, 1986-present – UgStandard

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