In this drama-filled political season, hardly a day passes without a video clip of the Second Deputy Prime Minister and MP for Ajumani West Constituency going viral. General Moses Ali (86) is a shadow of his former self. The retired soldier now looks frail. His body and limbs move involuntarily in an almost uncoordinated manner. He is often seen being helped to climb stairs or get up from his seat. He moves very precariously with aides all over him just in case he trips. At some events, he remains seated in the car while his political assistants speak on his behalf, sighting ‘some health challenges.’ Yet Moses Ali is still a crowd puller. Once in a while, he puts his best foot forward, dancing—with his handlers at the ready— to songs that praise his name and good works. Those in his corner say age is just a number, for the man they claim is a reservoir of wisdom, going by his long years of service. Cynics say that the old heads in government want to keep him there so they have company and a ‘worse example’ of old age.
Others say that even young and healthy politicians have not really done much to justify their existence in politics. That with or without them, nothing seems to change for the better, save for their own selfish interest and fortunes. There are many who do not understand why Moses Ali would even receive a second look or a look at all. You need to understand a bit of Uganda’s history from colonial times to appreciate Moses Ali’s appeal. Moses Ali is from one of the Sudanic Nilotic ethnic groups of Uganda called the Madi. They are found in Uganda, South Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. They are not more than 500,000 in number. Many of them found employment in soldiering. This meant that in the turbulent history of Uganda, their children were accused of being part of regimes that allegedly oppressed the people, especially that of Gen Idi Amin (1971-79). They died in battles or found themselves suffering in exile as refugees after the fall of his regime. Secondly, a good number are Muslims.
This is one group that has suffered extreme discrimination from colonial times to date. They are more likely to be skipped when it comes to academic and employment opportunities. Many of them have been targeted in criminal matters, especially since the dubious war against terror was launched in 2001 by the Bush Administration following the bombing of the Twin Towers in New York, USA, on September 11th in that year. Moses Ali is a Madi who has stood out. He defied the odds and acquired an education in Christian schools, becoming a teacher. He then joined the armed forces not just as a foot soldier but as a professional. He went all the way for paratrooper training to become an instructor in Israel and Camberley Staff College in the United Kingdom. He also furthered his education at the American Military University and the University of Wolverhampton. Then of course, his legal training at the prestigious Makerere University Law School and the Law Development Society, which he juggled in his old age, with his political work and huge polygamous family.
It is a feat that teases fresh minds a quarter his age and without Moses Ali’s encumbrances.’ Then, Idi Amin thrust him into national political administration as a minister of Provincial Administration and then Finance. After the fall of Amin he went into exile and formed the Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF.) It was instrumental in shooting out the Milton Obote regime between 1981 and 1985. The major reward of this for the Madi people and the other ethic groups in West Nile, is that many were able to return to Uganda from exile and live in relative dignity in their own land. History has shown that such small ethnic and marginalised groups the world over develop a ghetto mentality as a security and coping strategy. From the Jews and the Gypsies in Europe to the Blacks in the USA to Indians in Africa. They tend to huddle together and create their own heroes who they hold in high esteem and stick with them through thick and thin. Moses Ali’s accomplishments are a source of pride and inspiration for marginalised people like the Madi and Muslims.
They demonstrate resilience and determination. They offer hope that it is possible for people at the bottom to fight their way to the top. That gives him mileage and to his people, renders his failings ‘excusable.’ He is their hero at the table of men with all his titles and appointments as a military general and deputy prime minister. He is the big fish in that small pond. To get it clearer, you look at, say, the Baganda, the most populous ethnic group in Uganda, over 11 million people. For all that we may say, Baganda have had very many privileges which we take for granted. Most Presidents -four out of the eight have been Baganda. Of course, how consequential they were is another matter altogether. Baganda have perhaps for the sake of regional balancing and appeasement, had more Cabinet ministers than most ethnic groups since independence in 1962.
The leading schools, hospitals, sports facilities, churches, entertainment spots etc are found in the Buganda area. So are most of the valuable economic activities like trade, real estate, banking, insurance, and transport. In a time where some ethnic groups still celebrate the first degree holder or first grades in school leaving exams, many Baganda have seen it all and are no longer excited by such things. For Baganda, an appointment of a person as a minister or the dropping of one is like planting a tree or chopping one in a rain forest. It is almost unrecognisable. To do anything significant in Buganda you have to really be good and work extremely hard because there are so many people with varied interests. A Muganda is always going to be a big fish in a very big pond. That is why Baganda are accused of not being easy to please or will not ‘blindly’ stick together to support one of their own in case of a crisis.
Take the case of the former leader of Opposition, then from the National Unity Platform party, Hon Mathias Nsamba Mpuuga and the controversial Shs500 million service award that parliamentary commissioners allegedly ‘awarded themselves.’ Of the four recipients who included non-Baganda, Solomon Silwanyi, Prossy Mbabazi Akampurira, and Esther Afoyochan, Mpuuga received the greatest beating. Interestingly it was mainly Baganda who tore through him calling him a ‘thief.’ There are many other Baganda in high places so ‘Mpuuga can go.’ The rest were treated quietly as ‘our thieves’, the type of children whose parents don’t disown them when they get a ‘dirty’ advantage in a seemingly unfair world. This explains why in many cases of corruption, even rational people will be overcome by ethnic sentiments. They will call upon the President to ‘forgive our son because there are not many of our own in government.’ The crowds in Ajumani cheering a seemingly infirm Gen Moses Ali are simply saying they will not abandon the one hit that made it to the top of the charts when they are not sure they will have another one soon.
This explains why in many cases of corruption, even rational people will be overcome by ethnic sentiments. ”
Nicholas Sengoba
Plainly speaking
X : @nsengoba
